Residents in Abuja hold mixed views on the proposal to replace Nigeria’s 36 states with six larger regions, based on cultural and linguistic ties. Emeritus Professor Akinjide Osuntokun, a former Nigerian ambassador to Germany, suggests that this change could unite the country and improve governance. While some, like Umar Abdullahi, advocate for a return to the earlier regional system, others, such as Abraham Chidebere, disagree, citing Nigeria’s diversity as a barrier.
Abdullahi, a resident in Abuja, supports going back to a previous system. “Formerly, we ran a 3-region government with the Southern, Northern, and Eastern regions, not until Gowon created 12 states. That’s how we reached the 36 states,” he explained. “I would advise we revert to regional governance so there can be more development compared to how it is now.”
However, Chidebere disagrees. “Having only six regions will not work because of our diversity,” he argues. These differing opinions reflect a larger debate within Nigeria, which, with a population of 232.7 million people in 2024, faces significant questions about its political structure.
Professor Osuntokun made his proposal during an inaugural lecture in Lagos on October 21, 2025, which honored his late brother, Oduola Osuntokun, a former Regional Minister. At 85 years old, Osuntokun, a historian and expert in international relations from the University of Lagos, drew from his experience as an ambassador from 1999 to 2003. He emphasized Nigeria’s size and influence, stating, “Our big size and population as a country confer us influence, if not power. We are the only country in the ECOWAS region capable of deploying combined military operations… Yet, our potential remains latent, and our admirers are tired of waiting for it to be realized.”
Osuntokun links the country’s current issues to the changes that followed independence in 1960. The 1960 Constitution established a federal system that granted significant powers to the regions. However, after the 1966 military coup led by General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, the federal government centralized power. In 1967, General Yakubu Gowon reorganized Nigeria into 12 states to weaken regional power structures and quell the ongoing civil war threat. By 1996, under military rule, the number of states increased to 36. Today, Nigeria operates under the 1999 Constitution, which keeps a central government that controls most revenues at the federal level. As a result, states are heavily reliant on monthly allocations from the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC), which distributes funds generated from national revenues.
In March 2025, FAAC allocated a total of N1.578 trillion, of which N530.448 billion was shared among the 36 states, representing about 33.6% of the total allocation. For the first seven months of 2025, projections suggested that the combined FAAC shares for all states would amount to N5.5 trillion. In September 2025, the total FAAC allocation reached N2.103 trillion, with a substantial portion distributed to states. However, this reliance on federal allocations has contributed to significant debt accumulation among the states.
By December 2024, the combined domestic debt of the 36 states had fallen to N3.97 trillion, marking a reduction of 32.32% from N5.86 trillion in 2023. Yet, despite these reductions, 10 states borrowed an additional N417 billion in the first quarter of 2025, causing their combined debt to rise from N1.26 trillion at the end of 2024 to N1.30 trillion. Furthermore, Nigeria’s overall public debt reached N134.30 trillion by the second quarter of 2024, with domestic debt at N71.23 trillion. By June 2025, the total public debt had increased to N152.39 trillion.
These figures underscore the fiscal challenges faced by Nigerian states, whose financial stability remains heavily dependent on federal allocations, despite the growing debt burden. Professor Osuntokun argues that the current 36-state system is inefficient and leads to weak governance. Many states lack sufficient resources to deliver essential services such as roads, schools, and health centers. He believes that returning to larger, more culturally coherent regions could resolve these issues.
Osuntokun proposes six regions based on pre-colonial ethnic groups and languages, to be established through a national conference and referendum. “The current notion of North and South is a colonial imposition, and we must break away from it once and for all,” he declared.
Before British rule, Nigeria had kingdoms like the Hausa states of Kano, Katsina, Zaria, and Gobir in the north, and the Kanem-Bornu Empire. In the south, there were Igbo communities and Yoruba city-states. Colonial Nigeria had 24 provinces grouped into three regions by 1954: Northern, Western, and Eastern.
Osuntokun’s plan redrew the map into six regions based on shared cultural histories. These regions would operate as semi-autonomous units with their own assemblies and executives. The regions would send representatives to a smaller federal parliament: a full-time House of Representatives and a part-time Senate chosen by regional bodies. The proposed regions are:
South-West: This would include the current states plus Kwara up to Jebba, and the Kabba and Igala areas of Kogi State. It would form a strong Yoruba area. The current South-West states have a population of about 47 million and contribute 25% to national GDP through trade and manufacturing.
South-East: This region would cover the Igbo core plus Akwa Ibom, Cross River, Rivers, and parts of Benue. It would link inland groups with oil-rich areas. The zone has 21 million people and faces high unemployment at 33%.
South-Central: Made from Edo, Delta, Bayelsa, and Ebira parts of Kogi. This Niger Delta group would manage resources more effectively. Delta alone has 5.7 million people and generates over N200 billion in oil revenues annually.
North-Central: Including Niger, Kaduna, Nasarawa, Plateau, and the Tiv areas of Benue, this region is known for its diverse farming and mineral resources. It has 20 million people and faces high debts, with Plateau state alone owing over N100 billion.
North-West: Comprising Kano, Jigawa, Katsina, Zamfara, Kebbi, and Sokoto, this region is the Hausa-Fulani stronghold. With 40 million people, it accounts for 30% of the nation’s agricultural output.
North-East: This region covers Yobe, Gombe, Bauchi, Adamawa, Taraba, and Borno, and is particularly affected by desertification and insecurity. The region has 20 million people and saw 4.5% GDP growth in 2024, driven by recovery in agriculture.
“I will start by collapsing all the present states into these new zones,” Osuntokun explained. “The boundaries of the South-West will include Kwara up to Jebba and the Kabba and Igala divisions of Kogi, creating a solid cultural unity.”
He envisions that these larger regions would allow for shared resources and cost reductions. For instance, a South-East region could use gas fields for factories, thus creating jobs in an area with 42% youth unemployment. A North-East region could focus its efforts on agriculture, which saw a 15% decrease in output in 2024 due to insecurity.
The professor also proposes structural changes to foster unity, including switching to a parliamentary system where ministers come from the legislature, eliminating ethnic quotas in the civil service, and basing appointments on merit rather than ethnic affiliation. He calls for all graduates to serve a year in the military or other uniformed services, further solidifying national unity. “There is no part of Nigeria where there are no excellent people,” he insists.
Calls for restructuring Nigeria’s political framework have echoed for years. One of the earliest proposals came in 2016 from Chief Emeka Anyaoku, a former Commonwealth Secretary-General. He argued for a regional restructuring that would allow for more effective governance and greater unity among Nigeria’s diverse ethnic groups. His proposal emphasized giving more autonomy to these regions to manage their resources.
In 2024, Dr. Akin Fapohunda, a legal expert, suggested restructuring Nigeria into nine regions with their own sub-constitutions. He critiqued the existing 1999 Constitution, calling for a more decentralized system to alleviate Nigeria’s developmental challenges.
In 2025, the Patriots group, a collective of Nigerian leaders, called for a new constitution that would replace the current 1999 Constitution. Their plan includes creating a Constituent Assembly to draft a new document, which would then be presented to Nigerians for a national referendum. The Patriots aim for a more decentralized system, addressing issues like state policing and regional autonomy.
For Professor Osuntokun and many others, the need for restructuring is urgent. The current political framework, they argue, is a major barrier to Nigeria’s progress. Only time will tell if the call for six regions will be the change that Nigeria so desperately needs.
