The North Central Renaissance Movement (NCRM) has intensified its campaign for Nigeria’s major political parties to zone their presidential tickets to the North Central geopolitical zone for the 2027 general elections.
This demand, articulated through a communiqué issued after a pivotal meeting in Abuja, underscores the region’s quest for political relevance, rooted in its historical contributions to Nigeria’s unity, economic growth, and stability. Led by Prof. K’tso Nghargbu, the NCRM argues that the North Central, which has never produced a civilian president or vice president since Nigeria’s independence in 1960, deserves its turn at the helm of national leadership.
The North Central zone, comprising Benue, Kogi, Kwara, Nasarawa, Niger, Plateau, and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), is one of Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones. Despite its strategic importance, the region has been politically sidelined in the highest echelons of power. According to the NCRM, this exclusion is an anomaly that must be corrected to uphold Nigeria’s commitment to equity and inclusivity.
“We will no longer accompany other zones as escorts, backbenchers, spectators, or political underdogs to the glorious location called Nigeria.
Being the only geopolitical zone that has never produced a civilian President or Vice-President since Independence, the time for North Central to lead the country is now,” the communiqué declared.
This sentiment is grounded in historical data. Since Nigeria’s independence on October 1, 1960, the presidency has rotated among the North West, South West, South South, and North East zones, with the North Central conspicuously absent. For instance, the North West produced Presidents Shehu Shagari (1979–1983) and Muhammadu Buhari (2015–2023), while the South West gave Olusegun Obasanjo (1999–2007) and the current president, Bola Ahmed Tinubu (2023–present). The South South produced Goodluck Jonathan (2010–2015), and the North East had Umaru Yar’Adua (2007–2010).
The North Central’s exclusion is stark, with no civilian president or vice president emerging from the zone in over six decades.
The NCRM’s case is bolstered by the North Central’s significant contributions to Nigeria’s socio-economic and political landscape. The region hosts the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, a decision that required substantial land concessions from states like Niger and Kogi. This sacrifice, the NCRM argues, has not been adequately rewarded with political representation at the highest level.
“Our region has paid its dues through sacrifices and contributions to the nation’s growth. It is time for fairness and equity to prevail,” the communiqué stated.
Economically, the North Central has been a cornerstone of Nigeria’s agricultural and industrial sectors. Historically, the region was central to the groundnut pyramid era of the 1950s and 1960s, which positioned Nigeria as a leading global exporter of groundnuts, with Plateau and Benue states playing pivotal roles. Additionally, tin mining on the Jos Plateau was a major economic driver during the colonial and early post-independence periods, contributing significantly to Nigeria’s foreign exchange earnings. The region also hosts critical hydroelectric power infrastructure, such as the Kainji and Shiroro dams in Niger State, which supply approximately 20% of Nigeria’s electricity, according to the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) 2023 annual report
The North Central’s agricultural output remains vital. In 2022, Benue State alone accounted for 70% of Nigeria’s yam production and 40% of its cassava, as reported by the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development. Niger State is the country’s leading producer of rice, contributing 16% of national output, while Plateau and Nasarawa are key sources of vegetables and legumes. These contributions underscore the region’s role as Nigeria’s food basket, yet its political influence remains disproportionate to its economic input.
The NCRM highlights the North Central’s ethnic and cultural diversity as a unique strength that positions it to foster national unity. The zone is home to over 30 ethnic groups, including the Hausa/Fulani, Tiv, Nupe, Gbagyi, Igala, Idoma, Yoruba (in Kogi and Kwara), and Igbo (in Benue and Kogi). This diversity, the NCRM argues, makes the North Central a microcosm of Nigeria’s complex ethnic tapestry.
“A leader from the North Central will have the experience and temperament to manage Nigeria’s diversity and promote national unity. Our zone embodies the inclusivity that Nigeria aspires to,” said Prof. K’tso Nghargbu.
This diversity is not merely rhetorical. According to the National Population Commission’s 2006 census (the most recent comprehensive data), the North Central’s ethnic composition is uniquely balanced, with no single group dominating the region. For example, Benue’s Tiv population constitutes about 2.4 million, while Kwara’s Yoruba and Nupe populations are nearly evenly split at 1.2 million and 1.1 million, respectively. This heterogeneity, coupled with the region’s history of peaceful coexistence, contrasts with the ethno-religious tensions that have plagued other zones, such as the North East and North West, where Boko Haram and banditry have claimed thousands of lives since 2009.
The NCRM also points to the North Central’s loyalty during the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970) as evidence of its commitment to national unity. Unlike the South East, which sought secession as Biafra, the North Central remained a steadfast supporter of the federal government, with states like Benue and Plateau providing troops and resources.
“The North-Central has been a pillar of national cohesion, a geopolitical bridge embodying Nigeria’s diversity,” Nghargbu noted.
The NCRM’s demand is unequivocal: it seeks the presidency, not secondary roles like party chairmanships or ministerial positions.
“No amount of party chairmanship positions or other secondary roles will deter us from our demand for the presidency,” Nghargbu declared.
This stance reflects frustration with what the group calls “tokenistic gestures” that have historically placated the region without addressing its core grievance of political marginalisation.
Data supports this critique. Since 1999, when Nigeria returned to civilian rule, the North Central has been allocated significant but subordinate roles. For instance, the zone has produced Senate Presidents like David Mark (2007–2015) and Bukola Saraki (2015–2019), but these positions, while influential, lack the executive authority of the presidency. The region has also held key ministerial portfolios, such as agriculture and defence, but these have not translated into the transformative leadership the NCRM seeks.
The group’s focus on opposition parties such as the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), African Democratic Congress (ADC), and Social Democratic Party (SDP) stems from the recognition that the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) is likely to field President Tinubu for a second term, as he retains the constitutional right of first refusal. However, the NCRM’s strategy has sparked debate. Some analysts argue that the group’s simultaneous push for both the presidency and vice presidency, as noted in earlier statements urging Tinubu to replace Vice President Kashim Shettima with a North Central candidate, suggests a lack of focus.
“The North Central Renaissance Movement… is not focused on a particular prize, and just seeks some sort of relevance in the political equation of the country,” argued a commentator in Blueprint Newspapers
The NCRM’s campaign must be viewed within Nigeria’s complex zoning tradition, an unwritten agreement aimed at balancing power among the country’s geopolitical zones. Since 1999, this convention has largely alternated the presidency between the North and South, with the North West and South West dominating. However, the system has faced criticism for prioritising regional balance over merit. Mohammed-Baba, an ADC chieftain, recently called zoning a “distraction” that diverts attention from selecting competent leaders.
Despite this, zoning remains a political reality. The PDP, for instance, is set to deliberate on zoning at its National Executive Committee meeting on Monday, ahead of its November 15 convention in Ibadan. The NCRM’s appeal to opposition parties is strategic, as these parties may be more open to ceding their tickets to the North Central to counter the APC’s southern candidate. However, the group faces challenges. The North East, for instance, has also demanded a return to power, with groups like the North East Concerned Group advocating for former President Goodluck Jonathan’s comeback.
The NCRM’s push faces significant hurdles. First, Nigeria’s electoral landscape is heavily influenced by ethno-religious dynamics. Hakeem Baba Ahmed, a northern political figure, warned that replacing Vice President Shettima (a Muslim from the North East) with a non-Muslim from the North Central could alienate northern Muslim voters, who constitute a formidable voting bloc. In the 2023 elections, the North West and North East accounted for 40% of the 24.9 million votes cast, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC.
Second, the NCRM’s demand may clash with the ambitions of other regions. The South East, for instance, has long argued for its own shot at the presidency, with figures like Peter Obi gaining traction in 2023. The NCRM’s earlier support for Obi’s Labour Party, which fielded a South East presidential candidate, raises questions about its consistency.
“Where was the group in 2023, when the APC… decided to support a shift of power to the South?” asked a Leadership Newspaper analysis
Despite these challenges, the NCRM’s campaign could reshape Nigeria’s political discourse. By framing the North Central as a unifying force, the group taps into a growing national desire for inclusivity.
“Granting the North Central zone the presidency would not only strengthen national cohesion but also signal a commitment to fairness and inclusivity across the federation,” the communiqué asserted.
If successful, a North Central presidency could mark a turning point, fostering a more balanced federation
